{"id":6628,"date":"2022-05-06T11:29:48","date_gmt":"2022-05-06T08:29:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/?p=6628"},"modified":"2022-05-06T11:29:52","modified_gmt":"2022-05-06T08:29:52","slug":"arendtin-siyasal-dusuncesinde-kantci-donus-kantin-siyaset-felsefesi-uzerine-dersler","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/?p=6628","title":{"rendered":"Arendt\u2019in Siyasal D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde Kant\u00e7\u0131 D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f: Kant\u2019\u0131n Siyaset Felsefesi \u00dczerine Dersler"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><em>Yazar: Devrim Sezer<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hannah Arendt\u2019in siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Kant\u2019\u0131n felsefesiyle ili\u015fkisini belirleyebilmek \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckler i\u00e7erir. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l siyaset felsefesinin Arendt ile mukayese edilebilecek kalibredeki iki ismi olan J\u00fcrgen Habermas ve John Rawls\u2019un ba\u015fyap\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n Kant\u00e7\u0131 temellere sahip oldu\u011funu rahatl\u0131kla g\u00f6rebiliriz: Gerek Habermas\u2019\u0131n kamusal alan kavram\u0131, s\u00f6ylem eti\u011fi ve demokrasi teorisinde gerekse Rawls\u2019un adalet teorisinde belirgin bir Kant etkisi s\u00f6z konusudur.<a href=\"#_edn1\">[1]<\/a> Benzer bir etkiyi Arendt\u2019in erken d\u00f6nem siyaset felsefesinde g\u00f6remeyiz. Bununla birlikte Arendt hayat\u0131n\u0131n son y\u0131llar\u0131nda Kant\u2019\u0131n siyaset felsefesi \u00fczerine dersler vermeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, \u00f6mr\u00fc yetmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in tamamlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 <em>Yarg\u0131lama<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda (<em>Zihnin Ya\u015fam\u0131<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ve son cildi olarak tasarlanan) y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc neredeyse tamamen Kant\u2019a d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<a href=\"#_edn2\">[2]<\/a> Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn niteli\u011fi ve kapsam\u0131 pek \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015fmaya konu oldu.<a href=\"#_edn3\">[3]<\/a> K\u0131sa bir yorum yaz\u0131s\u0131nda bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 enine boyuna irdelemek elbette m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.<a href=\"#_edn4\">[4]<\/a> \u00d6ncelikli amac\u0131m, 1) Arendt\u2019i Kant\u2019a d\u00f6nmeye sevk eden spesifik bir deneyime, bir Holokost faili olan Adolf Eichmann ile mahkeme salonundaki \u201ckar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131na\u201d dikkat \u00e7ekmek ve 2) Arendt\u2019in siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki Kant\u00e7\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn, hem anlam ve \u00f6nemine hem de demokrasi teorisine katk\u0131s\u0131na k\u0131saca de\u011finmek. Arendt\u2019in Kant\u2019a d\u00f6nmekle hata etti\u011fini veya Kant\u2019\u0131 \u00e7arp\u0131tarak okudu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcren yorumlar\u0131n bu iki konuyu yeterince \u00f6nemsemedi\u011fi kan\u0131s\u0131nday\u0131m.<a href=\"#_edn5\">[5]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cYazmak i\u00e7in masan\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na her oturu\u015fumda,\u201d diyordu Arendt, \u201cKant\u2019\u0131n omzumun \u00fczerinden yazd\u0131klar\u0131ma dikkatle bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hissederdim.\u201d Haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z okuru epey \u015fa\u015f\u0131rtabilir veya yan\u0131ltabilir Arendt\u2019in bu s\u00f6zleri. Zira Arendt\u2019in siyaset felsefesinde daha en ba\u015ftan belirgin bir Kant etkisi oldu\u011fu izlenimini verir. Oysa Arendt\u2019in 1961\u2019deki Eichmann davas\u0131ndan \u00f6nce kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel eserlerinde, Kant\u2019\u0131n ad\u0131yla pek kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpan Kant\u00e7\u0131 bir y\u00f6nelimin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan da s\u00f6z edemeyiz. <em>Totalitarizmin Kaynaklar\u0131<\/em>, <em>\u0130nsanl\u0131k Durumu<\/em> ve <em>Devrim \u00dczerine<\/em>\u2019de Kant\u2019\u0131 sayg\u0131yla selamlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 birka\u00e7 \u00f6nemli pasaj veya dipnot vard\u0131r ama parmakla say\u0131lacak kadar azd\u0131r bu at\u0131flar.<a href=\"#_edn6\">[6]<\/a> Bu eserlerinde Arendt\u2019e e\u015flik eden veya esin kayna\u011f\u0131 olan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce partnerleri aras\u0131nda gerek felsefe gerekse siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihinden pek \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli fig\u00fcr yer al\u0131r: Heidegger, Jaspers ve Augustinus\u2019tan Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Jefferson ve Tocqueville\u2019e uzanan epey ekletik ve uzun bir listedir bu. Ne var ki Kant\u2019\u0131n Arendt i\u00e7in \u00f6nde gelen bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce partneri oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir intiba edinmek pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Siyaset teorisinin temel kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 <em>Ge\u00e7mi\u015fle Gelecek Aras\u0131nda<\/em>\u2019da yer alan \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrdeki Kriz\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesindeki uzunca bir pasaj belki de tek istisnad\u0131r: Aristoteles\u2019in <em>phronesis<\/em> kavram\u0131n\u0131n Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131 yetisi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu pasaj, Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131lama edimine ili\u015fkin perspektifinin yaln\u0131zca sanatla de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasetle ilgili oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmesi nedeniyle \u00f6nemlidir.<a href=\"#_edn7\">[7]<\/a> Fakat Arendt\u2019in siyaset teorisindeki muhtemel bir Kant etkisini g\u00f6stermeye yetecek metinsel bir dayanak olarak g\u00f6remeyiz bu k\u0131sa ama \u00f6nemli ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn de\u011ferlendirmeyi.<a href=\"#_edn8\">[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt\u2019i <em>Yarg\u0131 Yetisinin Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>\u2019ne dikkatle e\u011filmeye sevk eden deneyim, Kud\u00fcs\u2019te ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Eichmann davas\u0131na tan\u0131kl\u0131k etmi\u015f olmas\u0131, daha do\u011frusu bir Holokost failini yarg\u0131da bulunan bir seyirci ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir ele\u015ftirmen olarak g\u00f6zlemleyebilmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ayn\u0131 zamanda \u015fu anlama geliyor: Siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki Kant\u00e7\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f, Arendt\u2019in Eichmann\u2019da belirli bir problemi te\u015fhis etmi\u015f olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6yleyse sormam\u0131z gereken sorular \u015funlar: Arendt\u2019in Eichmann\u2019da te\u015fhis etti\u011fi problem tam olarak nedir? Bu problemi tart\u0131\u015fmak amac\u0131yla neden Kant\u2019a ve spesifik olarak Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131 yetisini tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 eserine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Eichmann, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerinden Yahudilerin \u00f6l\u00fcm kamplar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131ndan sorumlu \u00fcst d\u00fczey bir Nazi b\u00fcrokrat\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 su\u00e7lar\u0131n i\u015flendi\u011fi soyk\u0131r\u0131mlarda ba\u015frol\u00fc oynayan faillerin birer canavar oldu\u011fu san\u0131s\u0131na kap\u0131l\u0131r\u0131z \u00e7o\u011funlukla. Oysa Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re Eichmann k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck timsali bir \u015feytan de\u011fildi. Eichmann\u2019\u0131n as\u0131l dikkat \u00e7ekici yan\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme ve yarg\u0131lama yetene\u011finden yoksun olu\u015fuydu. M\u00fctemadiyen kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 basmakal\u0131p ve tutars\u0131zl\u0131klarla dolu ifadelere dayanarak b\u00f6yle bir sonuca var\u0131yordu Arendt. Eichmann yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6revlerinin gere\u011fini yerine getirdi\u011fini, herhangi bir su\u00e7 i\u015flemedi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyip durmu\u015ftu mahkeme salonunda: \u00dcstlerinin buyruklar\u0131na \u00f6zenle itaat etmi\u015f sad\u0131k bir yurtta\u015f ve iyi bir aile reisiydi; Yahudilerin imhas\u0131ndan de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca tehcirinden sorumluydu; yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 her \u015fey Nazi Almanyas\u0131\u2019nda ge\u00e7erli olan yasalarla uyumluydu; \u00fcstelik hayat\u0131 boyunca Kant\u2019\u0131n ahlak felsefesi ve \u00f6dev tan\u0131m\u0131na g\u00f6re hareket etmi\u015fti\u2026 Dava boyunca s\u00f6ylemi\u015f oldu\u011fu pek \u00e7ok \u015fey Eichmann\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131da bulunma yetene\u011finin a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle do\u011fruyu yanl\u0131\u015ftan, hakl\u0131y\u0131 haks\u0131zdan ay\u0131rma beceresini tamamen yitirdi\u011finin g\u00f6stergesiydi. \u201cDikkatimi \u00e7eken konu,\u201d diyordu Arendt dava sonras\u0131nda kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir makalesinde, \u201cbu k\u00f6kl\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme eksikli\u011fiydi\u2026 Yarg\u0131lama yetene\u011fimiz, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle do\u011fruyu yanl\u0131\u015ftan\u2026 ay\u0131rabilmek acaba d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme yetimize mi ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131?\u201d<a href=\"#_edn9\">[9]<\/a> Arendt\u2019in mahkeme salonunda te\u015fhis etti\u011fi problem, Eichmann\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131 yetisindeki k\u00f6relmeydi. Fakat Arendt, Eichmann\u2019da g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi bu yarg\u0131 tutulmas\u0131n\u0131n ve \u201cd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesizlik\u201d halinin (\u201c<em>thoughtlessness<\/em>\u201d) y\u00fczle\u015fmemiz gereken \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehlikenin belirtisi oldu\u011funu da ekleyecekti: Yarg\u0131lama yetisini dogmatik ideolojilere teslim eden son derece \u201cs\u0131radan insanlar\u201d, ak\u0131lalmaz bir zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir adaletsizli\u011fin arac\u0131 haline gelebilirler. As\u0131l sorun, diye \u00f6zellikle vurguluyordu Arendt, Nazi Almanyas\u0131\u2019nda ya\u015fanan deneyimin de a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi, Eichmann gibi hakl\u0131y\u0131 haks\u0131zdan ay\u0131ramayan binlerce insan olmas\u0131yd\u0131. Eichmann yayg\u0131n olarak g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fimiz bir probleme ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek te\u015fkil ediyordu yaln\u0131zca.<a href=\"#_edn10\">[10]<\/a> Demek ki Holokost gibi ak\u0131lalmaz bir soyk\u0131r\u0131ma bu denli geni\u015f bir kat\u0131l\u0131m olmas\u0131n\u0131n ve bu kadar \u00e7ok insan\u0131n i\u015flenen su\u00e7lara kay\u0131ts\u0131z kalmas\u0131n\u0131n nedenlerinden biri yarg\u0131 yetisindeki bu muazzam tutulmayd\u0131. Eichmann davas\u0131na tan\u0131kl\u0131k ettikten sonra \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131za damga vuran problemlerden birinin yarg\u0131 yetisindeki kriz oldu\u011funa ikna olmu\u015ftu Arendt. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki Kant\u00e7\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ve yarg\u0131lama edimine ili\u015fkin felsefi soru\u015fturmas\u0131 mahkeme salonundaki bu te\u015fhisin mant\u0131ksal bir uzant\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt\u2019in yar\u0131m kalan eserindeki en \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 iddias\u0131, Kant\u2019\u0131n bir siyaset felsefesi kaleme almam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmesidir. Gelgelelim Kant\u2019\u0131n geli\u015ftirmeden, hatta fark\u0131na varmadan bize miras b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cka\u011f\u0131da d\u00f6k\u00fclmemi\u015f bir siyaset felsefesi\u201d vard\u0131r. Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re bu ka\u011f\u0131da d\u00f6k\u00fclmemi\u015f siyaset felsefesinin temellerini ne Kant\u2019\u0131n ahlak felsefesinde ne de siyasal yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda bulabiliriz. <em>Hukuk \u00d6\u011fretisi<\/em>\u2019nin ise (<em>Rechstlehre<\/em>) tamamen ihmal edilebilecek s\u0131radan bir inceleme oldu\u011funu, Kant\u2019\u0131n ger\u00e7ek ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn siyaset felsefesinin \u00f6rt\u00fck bir bi\u00e7imde de olsa <em>Yarg\u0131 G\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>\u2019nde bulundu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer Arendt. Ku\u015fkusuz, dikkatli bir Kant okurunu hayrete d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrebilecek bir savd\u0131r bu. Fakat Arendt, Eichmann\u2019da te\u015fhis etti\u011fi problemi (bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle yarg\u0131 yetisindeki krizi) soru\u015fturmas\u0131na temel olu\u015fturacak ve k\u0131lavuzluk edecek yarg\u0131lama teorisinin ana hatlar\u0131yla s\u00f6z konusu eserin \u201cEstetik Yarg\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 birinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde ortaya kondu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131ndad\u0131r. Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131da bulunma edimini \u201ctikeli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme yetisi\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, belirleyici ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcmsel olmak \u00fczere iki yarg\u0131lama t\u00fcr\u00fc belirledi\u011fini biliyoruz.<a href=\"#_edn11\">[11]<\/a> Bir tikeli yarg\u0131lamak, onu genel bir kural alt\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmeyi gerektirir. Belirleyici yarg\u0131da tikelin alt\u0131na yerle\u015ftirilece\u011fi evrensel (kural, ilke veya yasa) verilidir, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcmsel yarg\u0131daysa kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fumuz tikeli alt\u0131na yerle\u015ftirebilece\u011fimiz bir evrensel elimizde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan tikelden hareketle evrensele ula\u015fmaktan ve evrenseli tikelden yola \u00e7\u0131karak t\u00fcretmekten ba\u015fka \u00e7aremiz yoktur. Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re Kant\u2019\u0131n, siyaset felsefesi tarihindeki en \u00f6nemli ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 yarg\u0131 yetisini ke\u015ffetmi\u015f ve bu denli sistematik bir incelemeyle ele alm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, en b\u00fcy\u00fck hatas\u0131ysa bu ke\u015ffin ahlaki ve siyasal \u00f6nemini fark edememi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Zira d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcmsel yarg\u0131 kamusal meseleleri sorgulay\u0131p de\u011ferlendirirken de ba\u015fvurdu\u011fumuz bir ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctme bi\u00e7imidir. Ahlaki \u00f6nemi hakl\u0131y\u0131 haks\u0131zdan ay\u0131rabilmemize katk\u0131da bulunmas\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r. Siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan da \u00f6nemlidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc fenomenal ve karma\u015f\u0131k bir d\u00fcnya olan kamusal ya\u015fam\u0131n mayas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan kanaatleri, tikel durum ve olaylar\u0131, s\u00f6zler ve edimleri verili bir evrensel kural\u0131n alt\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmeden kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fckleri ba\u011flam\u0131nda yarg\u0131layabilmemiz onun sayesindedir. Ahlaki ve siyasal anlam\u0131yla yarg\u0131da bulunma, kamusal meselelerin farkl\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lardan nas\u0131l g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc zihnimde canland\u0131rabilmeyi gerektirir. Arendt bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme tarz\u0131n\u0131 \u201ctemsili d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme\u201d veya Kant\u2019\u0131 izleyerek \u201cgeni\u015flemi\u015f zihniyet\u201d olarak adland\u0131racakt\u0131r: Yarg\u0131da bulunmak \u201ckendini ba\u015fka herkesin yerine koyarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilme\u201d becerisidir. Arendt\u2019in amac\u0131, bir yandan kamusal meselelere ili\u015fkin yarg\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n iknaya dayal\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermek ve yarg\u0131lamay\u0131 \u00f6zneler veya yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131 bir ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131 olan kamusal d\u00fcnyada temellendirmek, bir yandan da siyasal ya\u015famda yarg\u0131da bulunman\u0131n ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n kanaatlerini hesaba katmaya, kamusal meseleleri olabildi\u011fince ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve tarafs\u0131zca (veya \u201cilgiden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201d bir g\u00f6zle) de\u011ferlendirmeye ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011funu vurgulamakt\u0131r: \u201cBelli bir meseleye farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lardan bakarak; o s\u0131rada orada bulunmayan kimselerin bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 zihnimde canland\u0131rarak bir kanaat olu\u015ftururum, yani onlar\u0131 temsil ederim\u2026 Bir meseleyi zihnimde tartarken ne kadar \u00e7ok insan\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 zihnimde canland\u0131r\u0131r[sam]\u2026 nihai varg\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131n, yani kanaatimin ge\u00e7erlili\u011fi de o kadar fazla olacakt\u0131r.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn12\">[12]<\/a> Arendt siyasal yarg\u0131 yetimizi formel ve i\u00e7eriksiz bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131mlanan, adeta d\u00fczenleyici bir \u201ctart\u0131\u015fma ilkesi\u201d i\u015flevi \u00fcstlenen temsili d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme becerisine veya geni\u015flemi\u015f zihniyet kavram\u0131na dayand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Do\u011fru, Kant\u2019a tamam\u0131yla sad\u0131k kalmam\u0131\u015f, Kant\u2019\u0131 kelimesi kelimesine tekrarlamakla yetinmektense yarat\u0131c\u0131 bir tarzda ve kendi \u00f6ncelikleri do\u011frultusunda yorumlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r Arendt. Fakat ana hatlar\u0131yla ortaya koymu\u015f oldu\u011fu bu yar\u0131m kalm\u0131\u015f siyasal yarg\u0131 teorisi, lafz\u0131nda de\u011filse bile \u00f6z\u00fcnde Kant\u00e7\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n tezah\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr.<a href=\"#_edn13\">[13]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt\u2019in bir Holokost faili olan Eichmann\u2019da te\u015fhis etti\u011fi bir problemdi yarg\u0131 yetisindeki tutulma. Bu te\u015fhisin ertesinde Kant\u2019a d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f, siyasal yarg\u0131 yetisini derinlemesine incelemeye karar vermi\u015fti. \u00d6te yandan Arendt\u2019in incelemesinin demokrasi teorisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da hayati sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furdu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Zira bu yar\u0131m kalan inceleme bize demokrasi teorisinde \u00e7o\u011funlukla ihmal edilen bir problemi hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor: Demokrasi, kurumsal ve anayasal d\u00fczenlemelerden ibaret bir \u00f6zy\u00f6netim modeli veya bir siyasal rejim t\u00fcr\u00fc olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde (veya bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra) bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr veya zihniyet meselesidir. Bana \u00f6yle geliyor ki Arendt\u2019in tamamlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yarg\u0131 teorisinin en \u00f6nemli felsefi ke\u015ffi, bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr olarak demokrasinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi kamusal eti\u011fe, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle temsili d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme beceresine dikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<a href=\"#_edn14\">[14]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Arendt bir Holokost failinin yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin tan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ortak haf\u0131zas\u0131na kaydetmekle kalmam\u0131\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda demokrasi i\u00e7in hayati bir mesele olan siyasal yarg\u0131 yetisi \u00fczerine yepyeni bir tart\u0131\u015fma hatt\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131na da \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Kaynak\u00e7a<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt, Hannah. <em>Ge\u00e7mi\u015fle Gelecek Aras\u0131nda<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Bahad\u0131r Sina \u015eenel (\u0130leti\u015fim, 1996).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt, Hannah. \u201cThinking and Moral Considerations\u201d, <em>Responsibility and Judgment<\/em>, der. Jerome Kohn (Schocken Books, 2003), 159-190 [T\u00fcrk\u00e7ede: <em>Sorumluluk ve Yarg\u0131<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M\u00fcge Serin (Sel, 2018)].<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt, Hannah. <em>K\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn S\u0131radanl\u0131\u011f\u0131: Adolf Eichmann Kud\u00fcs\u2019te<\/em>, \u00e7ev. \u00d6zge \u00c7elik (Metis, 2009).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt, Hannah. <em>Devrim \u00dczerine<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Onur Eyl\u00fcl Kara (\u0130leti\u015fim, 2012).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arendt, Hannah. <em>Kant\u2019\u0131n Siyaset Felsefesi \u00dczerine Dersler<\/em>, der. Ronald Beiner, yay. haz. Serdar Tekin, \u00e7ev. Devrim Sezer ve \u0130smail Ilgar (\u0130leti\u015fim, 2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beiner, Ronald. <em>Political Judgment <\/em>(University of Chicago Press, 1984).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beiner, Ronald. \u201cAction, Natality and Citizenship: Hannah Arendt\u2019s Concept of Freedom\u201d, <em>Conceptions of Liberty in Political Philosophy<\/em>, der. Zbigniew Pelczynski ve John Gray (St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1984), 357-361<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beiner, Ronald ve Booth, William James. <em>Kant and Political Philosophy: The Contemporary Legacy<\/em> (Yale University Press, 1993).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beiner, Ronald ve Nedelsky, Jennifer. <em>Judgment, Imagination, and Politics: Themes from Kant and Arendt<\/em> (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2001).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Berktay, Fatmag\u00fcl. <em>D\u00fcnyay\u0131 Bug\u00fcnde Sevmek: Hannah Arendt\u2019in Politika Anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 <\/em>(Metis, 2012).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kant, Immanuel. <em>Critique of the Power of Judgment<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Paul Guyer ve Eric Matthews (Cambridge University Press, 2000).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sezer, Devrim. \u201c\u0130tiraz, Tart\u0131\u015fma, Demokrasi: Arendt\u2019te Yarg\u0131 Yetisinin Etik ve Politik \u00d6nemi\u201d, <em>Yarg\u0131ya Felsefeyle Bakmak<\/em>, der. Kurtul G\u00fclen\u00e7 ve \u00d6zlem Duva (Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2016), 107-135.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Shklar, Judith. \u201cHannah Arendt: <em>Lectures on Kant\u2019s Political Philosophy<\/em>\u201d, <em>Hegel Bulletin<\/em> (1984) 5 (9): 42-44.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Toker K\u0131l\u0131n\u00e7, Nilg\u00fcn. <em>Politika ve Sorumluluk<\/em> (Birikim, 2012).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Wellmer, Albrecht. \u201cHannah Arendt on Judgment: The Unwritten Doctrine of Reason\u201d, <em>Hannah Arendt: Twenty Years Later<\/em>, der. Larry May ve Jrome Kohn (The MIT Press, 1996), 33-51.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref1\">[1]<\/a> Siyaset felsefesindeki Kant\u00e7\u0131 miras\u0131 ele alan (Habermas ile Rawls\u2019un katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren) harikulade bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma: Beiner ve Booth, 1993.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref2\">[2]<\/a> <em>Kant\u2019\u0131n Siyaset Felsefesi \u00dczerine Dersler<\/em>, Arendt\u2019in tamamlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 son eseri <em>Yarg\u0131lama<\/em>\u2019ya haz\u0131rl\u0131k niteli\u011findeki ders notlar\u0131ndan olu\u015fuyor. Arendt\u2019in ders notlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6rt d\u00f6rtl\u00fck bir ar\u015fiv \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131karan ve harikulade bir yorumla ta\u00e7land\u0131rmak suretiyle \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f siyaset felsefesine kazand\u0131ran yazar ise Kanadal\u0131 siyaset teorisyeni Ronald Beiner\u2019d\u0131r. Beiner\u2019\u0131n yorum yaz\u0131s\u0131 ve kitab\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u00e7e bask\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ns\u00f6z i\u00e7in bkz. Arendt, 2019: 13-30 ve 157-264.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref3\">[3]<\/a> Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar hakk\u0131nda iki \u00f6nemli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma: Beiner, 1984; Beiner ve Nedelsky, 2001.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref4\">[4]<\/a> Bu yaz\u0131da k\u0131saca de\u011findi\u011fim baz\u0131 konular\u0131 daha \u00f6nce uzun uzad\u0131ya tart\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131m: Sezer, 2016.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref5\">[5]<\/a> Bu tutumun \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rne\u011fi: Shklar, 1984.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref6\">[6]<\/a> <em>\u0130nsanl\u0131k Durumu<\/em>\u2019nda Arendt\u2019in, do\u011fumluluk (\u201c<em>natality<\/em>\u201d) durumu ve yeni bir \u015feye ba\u015flama g\u00fcc\u00fcnden yola \u00e7\u0131karak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 eylem kavram\u0131nda, Kant\u2019\u0131n kendili\u011findenlik vurgusunun ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n izlerini g\u00f6rebilece\u011fimizi s\u00f6yleyen yorumcular var. Fakat bence buradaki Kant etkisi epey \u00f6rt\u00fck ve ikincil gibidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla do\u011fumluluk kavram\u0131n\u0131n veya yeni bir \u015feye ba\u015flama g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn vurguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 pasajlara bakarak Arendt\u2019in Kant\u2019tan derinden etkilendi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek epey zor bana kal\u0131rsa. Nitekim Arendt\u2019in kendisi de do\u011fumluluk veya yeni bir \u015feye ba\u015flama g\u00fcc\u00fcnden s\u00f6z a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Kant\u2019a de\u011fil, \u00e7o\u011funlukla Augustinus\u2019a at\u0131fta bulunur. Arendt\u2019in eylem ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki Kant etkisinin benim \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm kadar \u00f6rt\u00fck ve ikincil olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunan farkl\u0131 ve ayd\u0131nlat\u0131c\u0131 bir yorum i\u00e7in bkz. Beiner, 1984.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref7\">[7]<\/a> Kant\u2019a de\u011findi\u011fi bir ba\u015fka \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 pasaj ise \u015furada: Arendt, 2012: 308.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref8\">[8]<\/a> <em>Ge\u00e7mi\u015fle Gelecek Aras\u0131nda<\/em>\u2019daki \u201cHakikat ve Siyaset\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 metinde Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131 yetisi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ve hatta \u201cgeni\u015flemi\u015f zihniyet\u201d kavram\u0131na at\u0131flar var, fakat bu yaz\u0131 Eichmann davas\u0131ndan sonra kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref9\">[9]<\/a> Arendt, 2003: 160.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref10\">[10]<\/a> Arendt, 2009: 281.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref11\">[11]<\/a> Kant, 2000, Giri\u015f, 4. Altb\u00f6l\u00fcm, 66-67.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref12\">[12]<\/a> Arendt, 1996: 280 ve Arendt, 2019: 126.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref13\">[13]<\/a> Bu arg\u00fcman\u0131m\u0131 destekleyen bir yorum: Wellmer, 1996. Arendt\u2019teki Kant\u00e7\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ele\u015ftiren bir de\u011ferlendirme i\u00e7in: Beiner, \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00e7e Bask\u0131ya \u00d6ns\u00f6z\u201d, Arendt, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref14\">[14]<\/a> \u0130ki yazar\u0131n bu konuya \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutabilecek saptamalar\u0131 \u00f6nemli: Berktay, 2012, 128-135 ve Toker K\u0131l\u0131n\u00e7, 2012, 141-146.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p class=\"teaser\">Yazar: Devrim Sezer Hannah Arendt\u2019in siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Kant\u2019\u0131n felsefesiyle ili\u015fkisini belirleyebilmek \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckler i\u00e7erir. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l siyaset felsefesinin Arendt ile mukayese edilebilecek kalibredeki iki ismi olan J\u00fcrgen Habermas ve John Rawls\u2019un ba\u015fyap\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n Kant\u00e7\u0131 temellere sahip oldu\u011funu rahatl\u0131kla g\u00f6rebiliriz: Gerek Habermas\u2019\u0131n kamusal alan kavram\u0131, s\u00f6ylem eti\u011fi ve demokrasi teorisinde gerekse Rawls\u2019un adalet teorisinde belirgin bir Kant &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6629,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[36],"tags":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/05\/dsezer.jpg?fit=1424%2C1612","_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6628"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6628"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6628\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6630,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6628\/revisions\/6630"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/6629"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6628"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6628"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6628"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}