{"id":6325,"date":"2021-10-08T20:46:00","date_gmt":"2021-10-08T17:46:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/?p=6325"},"modified":"2021-10-08T20:46:38","modified_gmt":"2021-10-08T17:46:38","slug":"freedom-has-hands-kant-and-voluntary-servitude","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/?p=6325&lang=en","title":{"rendered":"“Freedom has Hands”: Kant and Voluntary Servitude"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Author: Toros G\u00fcne\u015f Esg\u00fcn<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

*This article is written in Turkish.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

             \u201cElleri var \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00f6zleri, ayaklar\u0131;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silmek i\u00e7in kanl\u0131 teri,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bakmak i\u00e7in yar\u0131nlara,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E\u015fitli\u011fe do\u011fru giden.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oktay Rifat<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kant, politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00fczerine yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f en \u00f6nemli eserlerden biri olan Etienne La Bo\u00e9tie\u2019nin G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc Kulluk \u00dczerine S\u00f6ylevi<\/em>\u2019nin yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131k iki y\u00fcz sene sonra \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d makalesinde \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kulluk\u201d kavram\u0131na \u00e7ok yak\u0131n bir kavram kullan\u0131r: Unm\u00fcndigkeit<\/em>. T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u201cergin olmama\u201d olarak \u00e7evrilen kavram, bir ba\u015fkas\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmak, g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck, k\u00f6lelik gibi yan anlamlar\u0131 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kavram\u0131yla negatif olarak ili\u015fkilenir. Bu anlamlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra kavram\u0131n hukuk alan\u0131nda da bir kullan\u0131m\u0131 vard\u0131r: re\u015fit olmama, cezai ehliyete sahip olmama. Kant\u2019\u0131n kavrama y\u00fckledi\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcn felsefi anlam ise, hukuki ve yan anlamlar ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olsa da her ikisinden farkl\u0131d\u0131r: Kant, ergin olmamay\u0131 \u201cakl\u0131n\u0131 bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131lavuzlu\u011funa ba\u015fvurmaks\u0131z\u0131n kullanamamaya dair bir yeteneksizlik<\/em>\u201d,[1]<\/a> olarak tan\u0131mlarken bunu ki\u015finin \u201ckendi su\u00e7u\u201d ile d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir durum, do\u011fu\u015ftan gelmeyen, \u00f6\u011frenilmi\u015f bir yeteneksizlik<\/em> olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Akl\u0131n\u0131 bir ba\u015fkas\u0131na emanet etmemek ki\u015filerin elindedir; onlar e\u011fitim yoluyla, kendi cesaret ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131yla bu durumdan \u00e7\u0131kabilirler. Hukuki anlamda re\u015fit olmayan, ya\u015f\u0131 hen\u00fcz kem\u00e2le ermedi\u011fi i\u00e7in sorumlu tutulamazken, felsefi anlamda \u201cergin olmayan\u201d ergin olmamas\u0131ndan kendisi sorumludur. Bu y\u00fczden Kant, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn z\u0131dd\u0131n\u0131, k\u00f6leli\u011fi imleyen Unm\u00fcndigkeit\u2019<\/em>\u0131, tiranl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerdi\u011fi s\u00f6ylevinde \u015fu \u00fcnl\u00fc soruyu soran La Bo\u00e9tie gibi \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc\u201d bir tabiiyet olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr: \u201cE\u011fer siz vermediyseniz, sizi g\u00f6zetledi\u011fi bu kadar fazla g\u00f6z\u00fc nereden buldu? Sizden almad\u0131ysa, nas\u0131l oluyor da sizleri d\u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu kadar \u00e7ok eli olabiliyor?\u201d[2]<\/a> Kant\u2019\u0131n asl\u0131nda bir \u015fey sormayan, aksine yarg\u0131 veren ve sorumluyu i\u015faret eden bu \u201csoru\u201dya yan\u0131t\u0131 La Bo\u00e9tie ile ayn\u0131d\u0131r: \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcz\u00fc sizi k\u00f6le edenlere siz verdiniz!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kant\u2019\u0131n hukuk kuram\u0131nda di\u011fer t\u00fcm edinilmi\u015f haklardan farkl\u0131 olarak, t\u00fcm ak\u0131l sahibi varl\u0131klar\u0131n do\u011fu\u015ftan sahip oldu\u011fu, b\u00f6ylelikle de biricik do\u011fal hak olarak tan\u0131mlanan \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d, \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kulluk\u201da nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr? Do\u011fumumuzdan itibaren zaten hep varsa nas\u0131l yitirilir ve onu yeniden kazanmak neden cesaret gerektirir? Bu sorulara getirilecek yan\u0131t basit\u00e7e Kant\u2019\u0131n etik ile politika aras\u0131nda k\u00f6pr\u00fc kuramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kendi kendiyle \u00e7eli\u015fti\u011fiyse, o halde Hegel\u2019in Kant\u2019a y\u00f6nelik itham\u0131, yani d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc salt ide olarak kavrad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fakat onun nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilece\u011fi ile ilgilenmedi\u011fine ili\u015fkin yorum do\u011fru olur. Oysa yak\u0131ndan bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda Kant\u2019\u0131n eserlerinde \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilece\u011fi meselesiyle do\u011frudan ya da dolayl\u0131, farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde me\u015fgul oldu\u011funu ve bu problemin pe\u015finden gitmesinin sonucu olarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son d\u00f6neminde politika ve hukuk ile \u00e7ok daha yo\u011fun olarak ilgilendi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn do\u011fu\u015ftan gelen bir hak olmas\u0131, onun bir olanak oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelir ve bu olana\u011f\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi d\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullara, heteronominin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc engelleyen etmenlerin engellenmesine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden Kant 1797 tarihli Ahlak Metafizi\u011fi<\/em> kitab\u0131nda politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lacak bir hukuk kurmak ister. Ki\u015filerin kategorik imperatif<\/em>\u2019e uymalar\u0131 politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc var etmeye yetmez; onlar\u0131n ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr\u201d, \u201ce\u015fit\u201d, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201d birer yurtta\u015f olmalar\u0131 ve 1795 tarihli \u201cEbedi Bar\u0131\u015f\u201dta s\u00f6yleyece\u011fi gibi \u201ckendi hakk\u0131nda ancak kendisinin karar verebilece\u011fi ve kimsenin buyru\u011funa ve arzusuna ba\u011fl\u0131 olmayan bir insan toplulu\u011fu\u201dnun kurulmas\u0131 gerekir.[3]<\/a> Hen\u00fcz 1784\u2019te yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d metni Kant\u2019\u0131 varaca\u011f\u0131 bu rotaya sevk eden kavramsal patikalar sunar. \u0130\u015fte ergin olamay\u0131\u015f durumu, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr\u201d, \u201ce\u015fit\u201d ve \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201d yurtta\u015f olman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerden biridir. Kant\u2019\u0131n Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131, ancak yurtta\u015flar\u0131n her birinin ergin olmas\u0131yla (m\u00fcndig<\/em>) bir g\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulabilir. \u00d6yleyse Kant, politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ko\u015fulunu, mevcut durumun yads\u0131nmas\u0131 \u00fczerinden koydu\u011fu bir ideal olarak, ergin olamay\u0131\u015f\u0131n z\u0131dd\u0131 olan \u201cerginle\u015fme\u201dde, M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em>\u2019ta g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Peki neden \u00f6zel olarak bu kavramda? Kant\u2019\u0131n \u201cotonomi\u201d, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d ve \u201ccumhuriyet\u201d gibi, eserlerinde s\u0131k\u00e7a kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavramlarla yetinmek yerine \u00f6zellikle bu kavram\u0131 se\u00e7mesi, kavramlara bu denli \u00f6nem veren bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr i\u00e7in ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6nemde olsa gerek!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Antik Yunan\u2019daki phronesis <\/em>erdeminden, R\u00f6nesans\u2019\u0131n humanitas<\/em> idealine kadar felsefe tarihinde bir\u00e7ok kavram ile ili\u015fkilendirilebilecek M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em>, Kant taraf\u0131ndan kendi ad\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fcr konu\u015fma ve akl\u0131n kamusal kullan\u0131m\u0131 becerisi olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Genelde, Almanca \u201ca\u011f\u0131z\u201d anlam\u0131na gelen der Mund<\/em> kelimesinden geldi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen kavram asl\u0131nda die Munt<\/em> k\u00f6k\u00fcnden t\u00fcremi\u015ftir ve eski Almancada \u201cel\u201d ve \u201ckoruma\u201d anlamlar\u0131na gelir.[4]<\/a> M\u00fcndig<\/em>, yani \u201cergin\u201d olan ki\u015fi, ele alabilen, koruyabilen, temell\u00fck edebilen, kendi kendine yetebilen, kendi kendisinin efendisi oland\u0131r. Her ne kadar Kant, eski Almancadaki pratik i\u00e7erikli ve zaman i\u00e7inde unutulmu\u015f, bu uzak anlamdansa akl\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve kamusal kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kastediyor olsa da, kavram\u0131n k\u00f6k\u00fcndeki gizli \u201cel\u201d, metnin politik mahiyetini daha da peki\u015ftirmemizi ve Kant\u2019a yeni sorular sormam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayabilir. Ki\u015filerin kendi \u201csu\u00e7\u201dlar\u0131yla d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir durum olarak ergin olamama durumundan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f, e\u011fer Kant\u2019\u0131n savlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00f6ncelikle kendi akl\u0131n\u0131 kullanmaya cesaret etmekle, yani kendi ad\u0131na konu\u015fabilmekle, ikinci olarak akl\u0131n\u0131 kamunun hizmetinde kullanmakla, yani ayn\u0131 zamanda herkes<\/em> ad\u0131na konu\u015fmakla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse, kendi ad\u0131na konu\u015fma cesareti g\u00f6steremeyenlerin korkakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201csu\u00e7\u201du, onlar\u0131n kendilerini koruyamamaya, \u015feyleri temell\u00fck edememeye dayal\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fcklerinden kaynaklan\u0131yor olmas\u0131n? O halde \u00fcstesinden gelinmesi bir cesaret gerektiren bu g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn sorumlusu nas\u0131l yine ki\u015filerin kendileri olabilir? \u201cG\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kulluk\u201da g\u00f6t\u00fcren, \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc\u201d bir g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fckten bahsedilebilir mi, yoksa as\u0131l sebep kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda a\u011f\u0131r bedeller \u00f6denen, kimin elinde neyin olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kimin neyden mahrum kalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, toplumdaki g\u00fc\u00e7 e\u015fitsizli\u011fi[5]<\/a> midir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kant\u2019\u0131n ilk bak\u0131\u015fta su\u00e7unu bireylere y\u00fckl\u00fcyor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn sebebini sadece ki\u015filerin iradelerinde de\u011fil, toplum ya\u015fam\u0131nda da buldu\u011fu ve tam da bu y\u00fczden akl\u0131n kamusal kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sal\u0131k verdi\u011fi sat\u0131r aralar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilir. Zira, Kant\u2019a g\u00f6re do\u011fadan gelmeyen g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck, \u201cikinci do\u011fa\u201d haline gelen k\u00fclt\u00fcr y\u00fcz\u00fcnden bir kader gibi alg\u0131lan\u0131r, y\u00f6neticiler halk\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden faydalan\u0131r ve onlar ad\u0131na karar verecek vasiler\/koruyucular yarat\u0131r: Yani Vorm\u00fcnder<\/em> -yine Unm\u00fcndigkeit<\/em> ile M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em> gibi Munt<\/em> k\u00f6k\u00fcnden gelen \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir kavram!-. Kendini koruyamayan\u0131 koruyor g\u00f6r\u00fcnen, kendi konu\u015famayanlar ad\u0131na yarg\u0131 veren bu vasiler, Kant\u2019\u0131n anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlamda ergin say\u0131lmad\u0131klar\u0131 gibi halk\u0131n erginle\u015fmesi \u00f6n\u00fcnde de engeldirler. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6nyarg\u0131 ve dogmalardan, heteronominin zorunlu k\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fillerdir. Munt<\/em> s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201cel\u201d ve \u201ckoruma\u201d anlamlar\u0131n\u0131 geri \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rarak Kant\u2019\u0131n vasilere y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirilerini devam ettirirsek: Vasiler elde avu\u00e7ta bir \u015feyi olmayanlar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca konu\u015fma haklar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda mahrum kald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ellerine alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131 korumak ve ba\u015fkas\u0131 ad\u0131na konu\u015fmak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na, aksine bireylerin edilgenli\u011fini art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re Kant\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nerisi, kendi ad\u0131na konu\u015furken di\u011fer herkes<\/em>in yarar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeten, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z<\/em> ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u011fitim yoluyla halk\u0131 erginle\u015fmeye y\u00f6nlendirmesidir. Bu ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n rol\u00fc, vasilerden farkl\u0131 olarak zek\u00e2n\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fini g\u00f6zeterek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrken kendi akl\u0131n\u0131 bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131ndan \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00f6rmeme ve akl\u0131n\u0131 birilerinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na de\u011fil, herkes<\/em>in yarar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik olan kamusal kullan\u0131ma sunmad\u0131r. Fakat madem ergin olmak yaln\u0131zca kendi ad\u0131na ve herkes<\/em> ad\u0131na konu\u015fmay\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir g\u00fcc\u00fc, bir \u015feyleri ele almay\u0131, temell\u00fck etmeyi ve korumay\u0131 gerektiriyor dedik, o halde ayd\u0131n olanlar zaten g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olanlar m\u0131d\u0131r ve sadece g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcler mi g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz olanlar ad\u0131na konu\u015fur? Bu da Spivak\u2019\u0131n \u00fcnl\u00fc \u201cmadun konu\u015fabilir mi?\u201d sorusunu hat\u0131rlatacak \u015fekilde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olamayanlar\u0131n zaten asla konu\u015famayacaklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Kant\u2019\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczlerin yaln\u0131zca e\u011fitim yoluyla g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin gerektirdi\u011fi cesareti y\u00fcklenebilmeleri m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnmemektedir. Geriye kalan tek se\u00e7enek hem g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hem bilge birinin yarg\u0131lar\u0131na itaat etmektir. \u201cG\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kulluk\u201da kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan, cumhuriyet\u00e7i Kant\u2019\u0131n ger\u00e7ekten bu sonuca vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kant, bireyleri kendi akl\u0131n\u0131 kullanmaya cesaret etmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d metninin sonunda ironik bir \u015fekilde d\u00f6nemin h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131 II. Friedrich\u2019i otorite sahibi bir ayd\u0131n olarak \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, Michel Foucault\u2019nun i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi h\u00fck\u00fcmdarla \u201cpek de \u00f6rt\u00fck olmayan bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapar\u201d;[6]<\/a> d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131zca kullan\u0131rken egemenin emirlerine itaat etmenin gerek\u00e7esini temellendirir. B\u00f6ylelikle diyebiliriz ki \u201cba\u015fkas\u0131 ad\u0131na konu\u015fan\u201d ile \u201ckendi ad\u0131na konu\u015famayan\u201d aras\u0131ndaki asimetrinin \u00fczerini \u00f6rter; sonunda da egemenin \u015fahs\u0131nda ayd\u0131n ve vasi neredeyse birbirine e\u015f k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r. Ahlak Metafizi\u011fi<\/em>\u2019nde bu form\u00fcl, egemenin halka kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6devleri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca haklar\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015feklinde dile getirilecek; yurtta\u015flara direnme hakk\u0131 yerine kalem \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sal\u0131k verilecektir.[7]<\/a> Fakat Kant\u2019\u0131n egemenle s\u00f6zle\u015fmesinin berisinde gizli bir itaatsizlik de vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n politik olaylar\u0131na g\u00f6re d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren Kant\u2019\u0131n bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine kar\u015f\u0131n bilge bir despot aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve onun, \u015fiddeti bertaraf etmek, yava\u015f ve bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in, \u201ce\u015fitli\u011fe do\u011fru giden\u201d, kademeli bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme modeli sundu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Zira \u201cEbedi Bar\u0131\u015f\u201dta Kant, \u201ckrallar\u0131n filozof, filozoflar\u0131n kral olmas\u0131n\u0131 beklememeli ve bunu dilememelidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidarda olmak akl\u0131n yarg\u0131da bulunma yetene\u011fini bozar, t\u00fcketir\u201d[8]<\/a> diyerek tek bir y\u00f6neticinin herkes<\/em> ad\u0131na yarg\u0131da bulunmas\u0131 yerine erginle\u015fmi\u015f bireylerden olu\u015fan bir yurtta\u015flar toplulu\u011funun otonomisine i\u015faret edecektir.[9]<\/a> Demek ki, hem tek ba\u015f\u0131na g\u00fc\u00e7 sahibi olup hem herkes<\/em> ad\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek olanakl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, ger\u00e7ek bir erginle\u015fme i\u00e7in sadece kalem \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yetmez, herkesin herkes ile<\/em> g\u00fc\u00e7 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da e\u015fit oldu\u011fu bir toplulu\u011fun kurulmas\u0131 gerekir. M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em> kavram\u0131nda sakl\u0131 olan \u201cel\u201din bize i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi; zek\u00e2n\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi ellerin e\u015fitli\u011fi olmadan i\u015fleyemez. Kant, kendi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren e\u015fitsizlikleri ge\u00e7ici olarak kabul eder gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse dahi, bunun politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir engel oldu\u011funun ve felsefenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir problem olarak durdu\u011funun pek\u00e2l\u00e2 fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. Sonu\u00e7 olarak Kant\u2019\u0131n ideal cumhuriyeti, \u201cyasa ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn oldu\u011fu, fakat zorlaman\u0131n\/\u015fiddetin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d[10]<\/a>, e\u015fit konu\u015fma ve e\u015fit ya\u015fama hakk\u0131na sahip, d\u00fcnya yurtta\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n toplulu\u011fudur. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz sorunlar\u0131na da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olacak, Todd May\u2019in deyimiyle \u201cproto-anar\u015fist\u201d bir ideal![11]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kant\u2019\u0131n soyut bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011funa pe\u015fin olarak h\u00fckmedilemeyece\u011fine dair ba\u015fka bir\u00e7ok \u00f6rnek bulunabilir, fakat galiba en \u00e7ok, Foucault\u2019dan Adorno\u2019ya,[12]<\/a> 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l filozoflar\u0131n\u0131n da \u00fczerine \u00e7ok\u00e7a yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu anlamda g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde hala g\u00fcncelli\u011fini koruyan \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d makalesindeki M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em> kavram\u0131, Spinoza kadar, Marx kadar olmasa da, Kant\u2019\u0131n da \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn sadece do\u011fru d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme meselesi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir g\u00fc\u00e7 meselesi oldu\u011funu sezdi\u011fini ve ard\u0131llar\u0131na ilham verdi\u011fini bize anlat\u0131r. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc eylem \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcne koysa da Kant\u2019\u0131n, do\u011fru d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi asl\u0131nda salt bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve ele\u015ftirel zihnin geni\u015flemesi ile zek\u00e2n\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fini cumhuriyet idealinin k\u0131r\u0131lgan temelleri olarak ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Tek tek ki\u015filerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe y\u00f6nelik iradesi, toplumdaki g\u00fc\u00e7 e\u015fitsizli\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir ve bu y\u00fczden k\u00fclt\u00fcrde ve ya\u015famda bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm hedeflenmelidir; e\u011fitim, bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn kataliz\u00f6r\u00fc olan kalem \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fcvencesidir. Kant\u2019\u0131n sezdi\u011fi fakat \u00fczerinde durmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 esas problem ise, kaleme ula\u015famayanlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ne olaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Hegel\u2019den Arendt\u2019te, Marx\u2019tan Ranci\u00e8re\u2019e kadar Kant sonras\u0131 politika felsefesi bu problemi miras al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kalemlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, ellerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn e\u015fitlikle ili\u015fkisi problemi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek uzan\u0131yor. Bug\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin kamuyla payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yeni ileti\u015fim teknolojileriyle Kant\u2019\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha kolayla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, \u201cba\u015fkas\u0131 ad\u0131na konu\u015fanlar\u201d\u0131n zek\u00e2n\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fine olan sadakatsizli\u011fi ile \u201ckendi ad\u0131na konu\u015famayanlar\u201d\u0131n sessizli\u011fi, \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kulluk\u201dun k\u00f6kenindeki toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtmeye devam ediyor. Kant\u2019\u0131n M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em> idealinin yaln\u0131zca herkes<\/em> ad\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fcr konu\u015fma ile ilgili de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda g\u00fc\u00e7lerin e\u015fitli\u011fi ile de ilgili oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rmek ve \u201ckendi ad\u0131na konu\u015famayanlar\u201d\u0131n toplumsal olarak nas\u0131l g\u00fc\u00e7lenece\u011fi \u00fczerine kafa yormak bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 bu y\u00fczden \u00f6nemli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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[1]<\/a> Immanuel Kant, \u201c\u2018Ayd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u2019 Sorusuna Yan\u0131t\u201d, Kant<\/em>, (\u00e7ev. Nejat Bozkurt) i\u00e7inde, \u0130stanbul: Say Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2005, s.261. Bozkurt\u2019un \u00e7evirisindeki ifade \u201cinsan\u0131n akl\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131lavuzlu\u011funa ba\u015fvurmaks\u0131z\u0131n kullanamay\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201dd\u0131r. Bu al\u0131nt\u0131da ise Almanca orijinalindeki Unverm\u00f6gen<\/em> s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc vurgulamak i\u00e7in c\u00fcmle, \u201c\u2026 kullanamamaya dair yeteneksizlik\u201d olarak ifade edilmi\u015ftir. Almanca orijinali i\u00e7in bkz: Immanuel Kant, \u201cBeantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl\u00e4rung?\u201d, Immanuel Kant-Politische Schriften<\/em>, (ed.Otto Heinrich von der Gablentz) i\u00e7inde, ss.1-8, Springer Fachmedien: Wiesbaden, 1965.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> Etienne de La Bo\u00e9tie, G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc Kulluk \u00dczerine S\u00f6ylev<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Mehmet Ali A\u011fao\u011fullar\u0131, Ankara: \u0130mge Yay\u0131nevi, 2011, s.25. Ayr\u0131ca Kant ve La Bo\u00e9tie aras\u0131ndaki ortakl\u0131klarla ilgili olarak A\u011fao\u011fullar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n S\u00f6ylev<\/em>\u2019in \u00e7evirisi i\u00e7in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne bak\u0131labilir: a.g.e., ss.118-120.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> Immanuel Kant, \u201cS\u00fcrekli (Ebedi) Bar\u0131\u015f \u00dcst\u00fcne Felsefi Bir Deneme\u201d, Kant<\/em>, (\u00e7ev. Nejat Bozkurt) i\u00e7inde, \u0130stanbul: Say Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2005, s.280.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> Kavram\u0131n etimolojisi i\u00e7in bkz: https:\/\/www.dwds.de\/wb\/m%C3%BCndig<\/a> ve https:\/\/www.duden.de\/rechtschreibung\/muendig#synonyme<\/a> Latince \u201cel\u201d anlam\u0131na gelen manus<\/em> ile eski Almancadaki Munt<\/em> s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc akrabad\u0131r. M\u00fcndig<\/em>, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir evin reisi olan ki\u015finin s\u0131fat\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> Ekonomik, toplumsal cinsiyete ve ya\u015fa dayal\u0131, yabanc\u0131lara y\u00f6nelik, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc toplumsal e\u015fitsizlik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> Michel Foucault, \u201cWas ist Aufkl\u00e4rung?\u201d, Ethos der Moderne<\/em>, (ed. Eva Erdman, Rainer Forst, Axel Honneth) i\u00e7inde, ss.35-54, Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 1990, s.40.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> Immanuel Kant, Methapysik der Sitten<\/em>, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,1977, s.438.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> Immanuel Kant, \u201cS\u00fcrekli (Ebedi) Bar\u0131\u015f \u00dcst\u00fcne Felsefi Bir Deneme\u201d, s.308.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> Bu k\u0131sa yaz\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde a\u00e7\u0131mlanmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan savlar\u0131n nas\u0131l temellendirildi\u011fi ile ilgili olarak Kant\u2019\u0131n toplumsal otonomiye ve e\u015fitli\u011fe y\u00f6nelik anti-otoriter d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, burada ele al\u0131nan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere kaynakl\u0131k eden, \u015fu iki makaleye bak\u0131labilir: Toros G\u00fcne\u015f Esg\u00fcn, \u201cKant\u2019\u0131n Hukuk \u00d6\u011fretisinde Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Durumuna Ge\u00e7i\u015f ve \u0130zin Verici Yasan\u0131n Olanaklar\u0131\u201d, FLSF, Say\u0131 23, ss. 139 \u2013 158, 2017 (https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/tr\/pub\/flsf\/issue\/48630\/617979)<\/a> ve \u201cBe\u011feni Yarg\u0131lar\u0131ndan Hukuk ve Politikaya: Kant\u2019\u0131n Ahlak Metafizi\u011fi\u2019nde Esteti\u011fin \u0130zleri\u201d, FLSF, Say\u0131 30, ss.345 – 358 (https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/tr\/pub\/flsf\/issue\/58166\/801524<\/a>)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> Kant, Anthropologie in pragmatischen Hinsicht<\/em> kitab\u0131nda y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imlerini s\u0131n\u0131fland\u0131r\u0131rken cumhuriyeti, yasa, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve zorlama\/\u015fiddetin birli\u011fi olarak tan\u0131mlarken, anar\u015fiyi yasa ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn oldu\u011fu, zorlama\/\u015fiddet\u2019in olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi zor fakat ideal bir durum olarak tan\u0131mlar, Bkz: Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht<\/em>, Leipzig: Immanuel M\u00fcller Verlag, 1833, s. 319.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> Postyap\u0131salc\u0131 Anar\u015fizmin Siyaset Felsefesi<\/em> (\u00e7ev. Rahmi G. \u00d6\u011fd\u00fcl, Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131) kitab\u0131n\u0131n yazar\u0131 Todd May, Kant\u2019\u0131n liberal siyaset felsefesinden ziyade anar\u015fist siyaset felsefesine dahil edilmesi gerekti\u011fini savunur. May\u2019in Kant\u2019\u0131 adalet kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerinden proto-anar\u015fist bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak okudu\u011fu ve Lyotard\u2019\u0131n Kant yorumunu temel ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 makale i\u00e7in, Bkz: \u201cKant the Liberal, Kant the Anarchist: Rawls and Lyotard on Kantian Justice\u201d, The Southern Journal of Philosophy (1990) Vol. XXVIII, No. 4, ss.525-538.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> Bkz. Theodor W. Adorno, Erziehung zur M\u00fcndigkeit<\/em>, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2013.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Author: Toros G\u00fcne\u015f Esg\u00fcn *This article is written in Turkish.              \u201cElleri var \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, G\u00f6zleri, ayaklar\u0131; Silmek i\u00e7in kanl\u0131 teri, Bakmak i\u00e7in yar\u0131nlara, E\u015fitli\u011fe do\u011fru giden.\u201d Oktay Rifat Kant, politik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00fczerine yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f en \u00f6nemli eserlerden biri olan Etienne La Bo\u00e9tie\u2019nin G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc Kulluk \u00dczerine S\u00f6ylevi\u2019nin yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131k iki y\u00fcz sene sonra \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Nedir?\u201d makalesinde \u201cg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6326,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[89],"tags":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i1.wp.com\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/TGE-foto-scaled.jpg?fit=2253%2C2560","_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6325"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6325"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6325\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6330,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6325\/revisions\/6330"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/6326"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6325"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6325"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/turkiyekanttoplulugu.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6325"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}